Researchers should investigate the prevalence of the condition, deepening the knowledge of the symptoms, comorbidities , and the course of the disease. Such research will lead to the development of appropriate screening tools to assess women at risk and provide them with an opportunity to obtain early diagnosis.
- The funders had no role in the design of the study, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.
- Communist leaders claimed that women in Poland obtained equal rights as a result of socialistic social processes, and used that statement to explain why there was a lack of – and no need for – feminism in Poland.
- Activists received multiple bomb and death threats in February and March for their support of reproductive rights but said that, in many cases, police minimized the security risks and either did not open investigations or failed to pursue them effectively.
- A women’s rights group voiced fury at Kaczynski’s comment and urged people to protest in front of Kaczynski’s Warsaw home on Nov. 28, the 104th anniversary of women gaining the right to vote in Poland.
Activists and women’s rights organizations report that the ruling is having a significant chilling effect as medical professionals fear repercussions even in situations where abortion remains legal. Women human rights defenders and civil society organizations advocating for the ruling to be overturned and for reform of Poland’s abortion law have faced threats of violence and several protestors have been prosecuted.
Polish health minister ‘appalled’ girl, 14, struggled to get abortion after rape
Against the background of the European Commission’s reform plans for the Stability and Growth Pact , this policy brief uses the macroeconometric multi-country model NiGEM to simulate the macroeconomic implications of the most relevant reform options from 2024 onwards. Next to a return to the existing and unreformed rules, the most prominent options include an expenditure rule linked to a debt anchor. Weronika Grzebalska is a sociologist, an assistant professor at the Institute of Political Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences and a RethinkCEE fellow at the German Marshall Fund of the US. Her work focuses on militarism, security, right-wing https://orthopaediusu.com/the-submissive-asian-stereotype-classy-asian-ladies-dating-site-sociological-images/ politics and gender politics in central Europe in the neoliberal era.
Previously, over 90 percent of the approximately 1,000 legal abortions annually in Poland were on these grounds. The ruling came as Covid-19 pandemic restrictions made travel for health care prohibitively difficult and costly. The ruling spurred the country’s largest public protests in decades, led by women human rights defenders.
The fiscal debates set to dominate European politics
In the meantime, following Western countries such as the USA, Australia, the Netherlands, the UK, and Germany, owing to online sources, women have started to organize and form patient support groups. The increased interest in the condition has been reflected by the number of articles on lipedema in the popular press and other media. However, the prevalence of lipedema, patients’ quality of life, clinical characteristics, comorbidities, and psychological functioning in Poland have not previously been scientifically investigated . This knowledge is needed to advance the process of scientific investigation of the condition, draw attention to lipedema and increase evidence to confirm the importance of the condition, its impact on the quality of life and inform guidelines for evidence-based care. In this study, for the first time, we sought to evaluate and describe the sociodemographic and clinical characteristics of Polish women with lipedema and to investigate factors related to their quality of life. The current study is the first to explore quality of life in women with lipedema in Poland, and it has a number of limitations. Participation in the study was voluntary, and a link was provided in an online social media support group, which might have created selection bias.
It has adopted the landmark Matić report as well, affirming that the right to abortion is a fundamental human right. The traditionally Roman Catholic country already had one of Europe’s most restrictive abortion laws, with abortions allowed in very few cases, before 2020. Then, a new ruling said that women may no long terminate pregnancies in cases where the fetus has serious abnormalities and is not viable after birth. Unaware of the potential of societal resilience for the re-gendering and civilianizing of national security, feminists have abdicated from crafting effective advocacy in this realm. Pacifist stances on the left do not fully explain this inaction, given that societal resilience can take many forms, including the non-violent, civic, and civilian-based. In Poland, however, the liberal left is still held captive by its uncritical belief in the ostensible ‘end of history’ marked by European integration and accession to the NATO alliance, despite the rapidly changing security more on this theme at https://absolute-woman.com/european-women/polish-women/ environment in the region.
Despite the strict legislation and conservative political discourse, http://auto-poelzl.at/2023/01/06/brazil-ladies-dating-10-tips-on-how-to-date-brazilian-women/ Poland has one of the lowest fertility rates in Europe. Since the Law and Justice party came to power in 2015, Poland’s government has repeatedly moved to further curb sexual and reproductive health and rights, including by supporting a 2016 draft bill for a total abortion ban that parliament rejected following mass public protest. The government also supported a draft bill, introduced by an ultra-conservative group, to essentially criminalize comprehensive sexuality education. These bills are “civic initiatives,” which require public signatures to be considered. That sparked the largest protests in Poland in decades, which were led by Women’s Strike. There have since been cases of pregnant women dying even though a risk to the woman’s life remains a legal grounds for abortion under the current law.
Next, Kacpura and groups like hers forged alliances with feminist groups abroad so Polish women could safely consult legitimate doctors online and either schedule procedures or get prescriptions for the “morning-after pill,” which is then mailed to their homes. Kacpura helped organize the massive “Black Monday” street demonstrations across Poland six years ago, which forced the Law and Justice government to back off on plans to ban all abortions, even in cases of rape, which its allies in the powerful Roman Catholic Church had been pushing for.
Pacifist stances on the left do not fully explain this inaction, given that societal resilience can take many forms, including the non-violent, civic and civilian-based. So far, the opposition has been largely reactive, criticising defence-related developments as dangerous and party-driven—evidently unaware that similar changes are also occurring in more stable liberal democracies in the Baltic Sea region. This state of affairs created pertinent gender gaps in defence-related knowledge and skills in Polish society. In 2014 the Public Opinion Research Centre reported that only 6 per cent of women recalled undergoing military training and 22 per cent training in civil defence . When swaths of youth took to the streets in 2020 to protest against the Law and Justice government over its abortion ban, analysts proclaimed a social revolution was emerging in the country.
While strengthening allied defence and deterrence is rightfully supported by voters in Poland, the left can still intervene in this momentum. To break right-wing hegemony, it can advocate the rebuilding https://economickeys.com/julie-otsukas-the-buddha-in-the-attic-is-a-shimmering-novel-of-mail-order-brides/ of civil defence around local citizens’ groups and work towards embedding civic, egalitarian and democratic values in military volunteer-defence channels. This is a particularly effective means to address hybrid challenges in a democratic way—enhancing social cohesion, presenting fewer obstacles to involvement and harnessing more international support. Yet far from happening solely on the streets, this transformation has long been taking place too in less obvious sites—ones the liberal left have failed to acknowledge, leaving scope for illiberal forces to capitalise on them. Nowhere has this been more apparent than in citizens’ volunteer engagement in defence.